A good reading knowledge of German is important for doing PhD research in the humanities. In addition, a scholar should be adept enough in German to listen to an academic lecture in German. How does one acquire these skills?
The Goethe-Institut is well known and respected for teaching German. The Institute has an extensive program from the beginning steps in German to advanced German. Unfortunately, although there are many strong points about the Goethe method itself, the program is not suitable for academics.
I attended the Institute located in Hamburg. The facilities are truly first rate and conveniently located across from the central train station. The personnel are friendly and dedicated. Perhaps one of the strengths of Goethe is that as soon as you walk into the facilities, there is such a concerted emphasis on German-only that you almost feel guilty for speaking English.
My A4 Intensiv course (four weeks) consisted of an initial introductory day of placement testing on the first Monday, followed by daily (Mon-Fri) instruction over a period of three weeks, until the fourth week. On the fourth week, classroom instruction concluded on Tuesday which comprised a review for those taking the course exam. These details are important to note, for all the course details on the website and correspondence otherwise suggest that the last day of instruction is on the final Thursday of the fourth week. For my part, I did not find out otherwise until the final Tuesday afternoon, an hour prior to conclusion. This had major implications for my travel itinerary. Moreover, instead of getting a good four weeks of instruction, in effect, the A4 Intensive provides only 15 days of classroom instruction, or 16 days if you count the review for the exam.
Classroom instruction was from 9:00 to 1:30. This included a 30 minute lunch break and an additional 15 minute short break.
Classroom instruction was very effective. In my program, we had a 1:6 teacher-student ratio. This was supplemented usually by the presence of a Goethe-Institut teacher-in-training assistant so that we actually had a 1:3 teacher-student ratio for most of the time.
Teaching was generally very lively and engaging. The course was taught 95% in German, even from day one. Not only was this method desirable, but it was nearly necessary since we had two Russians, an Iranian, and a Mexican in my class. There were times, however, that an explanation for a German word would go on and on and on, when a simple English translation would have been more time-efficient. The classroom instruction was effective in helping us students become accustomed to speaking conversational German.
My class had the misfortune of having our initial teacher go on holiday. Then, our assigned substitute missed several days due to illness. We ended up having four different teachers. One got the impression that some exam material was overlooked in the process.
My major disappointment in the classroom instruction was that grammar was taught assuming that students had no background in it. Consequently, the instructor spent a huge amount of time explaining the concept of the accusative case, for example. After several hours, I began to wonder how long it would take to teach the dative case…. On the other hand, some of the other students seemed to never fully grasp the concept and were left with their heads spinning.
On a related matter, the scholar seeking a German Sprachkurs should be aware that Goethe-Institut aims its instruction at a 20-something audience wanting to learn to say things like, “I meet you at the disco at 10 pm” and “I like to go on cruises.” We had one lesson on German beer lexicon.
Another misfortune was that, in my case, I had previously actually finished an entire course book on reading German, and had translated some very difficult academic German. However, because I could not say things like, “I would like a hamburger and coke,” I was assigned to the very beginning German course. To be sure, I needed to take beginning German precisely because I couldn’t say such things. However, I desperately needed to improve my ability to read German, but Goethe-Institut did nothing to help me in this matter.
When I approached the personnel at Goethe-Institut about this problem, I suggested that a reading group would be very helpful. This seemed to the Institute director to be a sensible solution. However, despite her enthusiasm and expressed intention, such a reading group never materialised.
Seeing that my reading skills were going undeveloped, I ended up hiring a private tutor. This was a very beneficial move, especially since my tutor was so good. I paid him 15 euro/hr, and met with him an hour a day. When classroom instruction ended so abruptly for me, I was able to meet with him three to four hours a day over my last four days in Hamburg.
Goethe-Institut is very expensive. For many people, the expenditure may prove entirely beneficial. You get a great teacher-student ratio; you get first rate teachers with a first rate teaching method; you get first rate facilities. However, perhaps a better approach for some people would be to attend a less expensive program and apply the savings to hire a private teacher.
Another indicator that Goethe-Institut is designed for non-academics is its textbook. I can’t recall the title of it, and I can’t look at it to see because I simply threw it away when I was done. It is full of pretty pictures and seems more designed to impress the reader with the notion that learning German is fun rather than being a bona fide grammar. Using the book as a supplemental workbook might be a good idea, but the German student needs a grammar with which he may become intimately familiar so that he can quickly consult it again and again for future reference.
Goethe-Institut has a cultural program to supplement its classroom instruction. The Institute makes this a prominent feature in its promotional literature and website. In my case, it consisted of various cultural experiences in the afternoons daily (perhaps an evening or two as well). I participated in two events: a city tour and a visit to a coffee shop to experience authentic German coffee along the riverfront. I found both experiences of minimal benefit. The city tour in the open-top bus was conducted entirely in a German which was spoken so quickly as to be entirely incomprehensible to most of the students. Consequently, each of us simply conversed to his own friends in his own native language. The authentic German coffee experience was similar, except that we ended up sitting at Starbucks since the other café was too crowded. Both events consumed the entire afternoon. Ultimately, I decided I could more profitably spend my time studying. This was altogether unfortunate, because I think the cultural program could be of great help if only there were some very simple German lessons built into the events.
If my sole purpose in attending Goethe-Institut had been to work on speaking and hearing German, then I must confess that it helped me enormously. If the course had assumed that the students had a basic understanding of language systems, then we could have approached grammar more aggressively, and I would have had even more practice at dealing with more complex sentences. However, one of my major goals was to work on my reading skills, but I regretfully say that Goethe-Institut was of no help to me at all in this regard. For this reason, I would recommend that the academic who needs to develop his German should try something else.
One possibility would actually involve Goethe-Institut. The Institute does offers special classes for businesses. If there were perhaps five or six academics willing to take a course together, I suspect that Goethe-Institut would be flexible enough to offer a course for academics. If so, I think that this would be extremely beneficial, and that Goethe-Institut would be perhaps the best place to do it.
Here's my shorter review in German:
Ich hatte leider nur 16 Tage Unterrichts bzw. 3-3/4 Stunden jeden Tag. In meiner Klasse waren wir sechs Schüler. Weil wir einen Praktikanten gehabt haben, war das Verhältnis von Lehrern zu Schülern 2:6.
Die Einrichtungen waren prima und modern, die Angestellten waren freundlich und professionell. Nach dem Unterricht bot das G.-I. jeden Tag ein Kulturprogramm an. Die Veranstaltungen, denen Struktur fehlte und die auf junge Leute abzielten, halfen leider nicht, Deutsch zu sprechen.
In mancher Beziehung war der Unterricht nützlich. Wir übten vor allem, miteinander zu sprechen. Das war mir hilfreich, weil ich bisher nur Lesen gelernt hatte. Da ich nur wenig Deutsch spreche, platzierte das G.-I. mich in Start Deutsch A-1.
Es hat weitere Enttäuschungen gegeben. Weil der Unterricht nicht auf Akademiker und Gelehrte ausgerichtet war, war die Grammatik sehr langsam und langweilig und oberflächlich. Der Unterricht hat meine Lesefähigkeit gar nicht verbessert. Weil das Lehrbuch viele schöne Bilder aber nicht viele Grammatikdiagramme oder Grammatikdaten hat, ist es nicht so gut. Ich werde nicht weiter mit diesem Buch arbeiten können.
Ich bat darum, dass das G.I. eine Lesegruppe als einen Teil des Lehrplans anböte. Das ist aber, trotz anfänglichen Wohlwollens, leider nicht geschehen.
Deshalb engagierte ich einen Privatlehrer. Wir trafen uns miteinander für jeweils eine Stunde an sechs Tagen, dann für je 3-4 Stunden an meinen letzten vier Tagen. Wir konzentrierten uns erst auf das Lesen, dann auf die Satzstruktur, danach auf das Verfassen von Texten und schließlich auf das Reden. Außerdem verbrachte ich viele viele Stunden mit Deutschlesen und -hören.
Monday, 11 August 2008
Wednesday, 14 May 2008
Silenced Women of Corinth: The Text Critical Solution
I need to update this 2008 blog article. For a recent academic discussion: http://alesjalavrinovica.blogspot.com/2017/08/all-churches-of-saints-never-appears.html
The Silenced Women of Corinth
A passage found variously in 1 Corinthians 14
reads,
As in all the congregations of the saints, women should
remain silent in the churches. They are
not allowed to speak, but must be in submission, as the Law says. If they want to inquire about something, they
should ask their own husbands at home; for it is disgraceful for a woman to
speak in the church (NIV).
The passage reduces down to five important
points:
1. This
dictum is for all the congregations of the saints. This point makes the passage universally
binding for all time.
2. Women
are to be silent, and not speak. This is
the definite meaning of sigavw (sigao),
which is not ambiguous as its synonym hesuchia
is (see above concerning 1 Tim 2:11-12).
Paul is not merely telling them to have a quiet demeanor, but not to
speak at all at any time in the church.
3. In
case the previous point is missed, Paul reiterates that women are not allowed
to speak.
4. Specifically,
women may speak in their homes, but not in the congregation.
5. Women
speaking in church is disgraceful.
Any attempt to render an interpretation of this passage must
deal honestly with all five points.
The prima facie reading of this
text is that women must not participate in the Church's worship life vocally or
verbally. It envisions women sitting
quietly at all times when the congregation is gathered. They are not to pray aloud. They are not to prophesy aloud. They are not to speak praises or testify to
the goodness of the Lord aloud.
Accordingly, the flow of argument in this chapter is that there is a
time for speaking in tongues in the church under the right circumstances, and
likewise, there is an appropriate time for prophetic utterances. But never under any circumstances is it
appropriate for a woman to make any vocal contribution in the church. Such is the vision of women for all the
congregations of the saints, for, as the text explains, "it is disgraceful for a woman to speak in the
church."
Because God's Holy Spirit teaches us—all of us—that we must not impose such
strictures on women, we hardly do have any churches today which obey this
passage. Our churches do not really know
how to understand this passage, and so they do their best to follow the leading
of the Spirit, even though their practice is contrary to the outright meaning
of the text. Consequently, we find
rather desperate and implausible attempts to explain away the plain meaning of
the text.
Most frequently, it is suggested that the silenced women were actually
silenced wives. However, it helps
not at all to translate wives for women, although such a translation is
altogether reasonable. We must remember
that married women enjoyed a higher status than single women. If wives were forbidden to speak in church,
how much more were unmarried women!
Forbidding wives to speak would a
fortiori prohibit all women from speaking.
Moreover, this interpretation
assumes an old speculative notion that wives sat on one side of the synagogue,
and their husbands on the other, and that some bonehead woman would holler to
the other side of the building asking her husband for an explanation in the
middle of the service. This imaginative
speculation has been rather thoroughly repudiated, for archaeological
excavations of synagogues have proven otherwise (the sexes were not separated
from one another). And besides,
Christians met in house churches, making the scenario altogether
implausible.
More problematic with this
suggestion is that the point of the passage boils down to be that women must
not embarrass their husbands. This is
just insufficient for the sweeping magnitude of the text. We do not otherwise have any indication that
the dignity of the husbands is anywhere at stake in the Corinthian
correspondence. If the passage is
authentic, then we must face the possibility that it cannot mean what it says.
The question then becomes whether
Paul really wrote this passage. In 1987,
Gordon Fee surprised the academic and evangelical community when he argued in
the prestigious and widely acclaimed New International Commentary on the New
Testament (F.F. Bruce, ed.) that the silencing of women in 1 Cor 14:33b-35 was
not original, nor Pauline, nor inspired.
The claim was significant as it came not from some far out radical feminist
who lacked a zeal for scripture. Rather,
it came from a person whose reputation in both textual criticism and Pauline
studies made him the foremost expert in the merged field of Pauline textual
criticism, as well as one of the most biblically committed scholar-preachers in
North America.[1]
Fee's
argument was primarily a textual one. He
noticed a textual problem, evaluated various ways to explain the phenomenon,
and then decided the best way to explain it was that it must have been a
non-Pauline interpolation; it first must have been written into the margin as
some scribe's own personal views, and then migrated into the text at two
different places in the manuscript tradition.
However, Fee did not stop there.
Rather, his own exegesis of the text and analysis of the flow of
argument led him to confirm his explanation.
Here is his discussion.
First, in his 1987 publication, Fee
concedes that all known manuscripts, including versional manuscripts, include
the disputed passage. However, in the
manuscript tradition, the passage is located in two different spots in the
chapter, begging an explanation:
Traditional Placement
in 1 Cor 14 (as found in both
Byzantine and Alexandrian mss)
What
then shall we say, brothers? When you
come together, everyone has a hymn, or a word of instruction, a revelation, a
tongue or an interpretation. All of
these must be done for the strengthening of the church. If anyone speaks in a tongue, two--or at the
most three--should speak, one at a time, and someone must interpret. If there is no interpreter, the speaker should
keep quiet in the church and speak to himself and God. Two or three prophets should speak, and the
others should weigh carefully what is said.
And if a revelation comes to someone who is sitting down, the first
speaker should stop. For you can all
prophesy in turn so that everyone may be instructed and encouraged. The spirits of prophets are subject to the
control of prophets. 33For
God is not a God of disorder but of peace.
As in all the congregations of
the saints, women should remain silent
in the churches. They are not allowed to speak, but must be in submission, as
the Law says. If they want to inquire
about something, they should ask their own husbands at home; for it is
disgraceful for a woman to speak in the church. Did the word of God originate with you? Or are you the only people it has
reached? If anybody thinks he is a
prophet or spiritually gifted, let him acknowledge that what I am writing to you
is the Lord's command. If he ignores
this, he himself will be ignored. Therefore,
my brothers, be eager to prophesy, and do not forbid speaking in tongues. But everything should be done in a fitting
and orderly way. Now, brothers, I want
to remind you of the gospel I preached to you, which you received and on which
you have taken your stand. By this
gospel you are saved, if you hold firmly to the word I preached to you.
Placement in 1 Cor in
Europe Prior to 400 A.D. (as found in the pre-Vulgate Western mss)
What
then shall we say, brothers? When you
come together, everyone has a hymn, or a word of instruction, a revelation, a
tongue or an interpretation. All of
these must be done for the strengthening of the church. If anyone speaks in a tongue, two--or at the
most three--should speak, one at a time, and someone must interpret. If there is no interpreter, the speaker
should keep quiet in the church and speak to himself and God. Two or three prophets should speak, and the
others should weigh carefully what is said.
And if a revelation comes to someone who is sitting down, the first
speaker should stop. For you can all
prophesy in turn so that everyone may be instructed and encouraged. The spirits of prophets are subject to the
control of prophets. For God is not a
God of disorder but of peace as in all the congregations of the saints. Did the word of God originate with you? Or are you the only people it has
reached? If anybody thinks he is a
prophet or spiritually gifted, let him acknowledge that what I am writing to
you is the Lord's command. If he ignores
this, he himself will be ignored.
Therefore, my brothers, be eager to prophesy, and do not forbid speaking
in tongues. 40But everything
should be done in a fitting and orderly way.
Women should remain silent in the
churches. They are not allowed to speak,
but must be in submission, as the Law says.
If they want to inquire about something, they should ask their own
husbands at home; for it is disgraceful for a woman to speak in the church. Now, brothers, I want to remind you of the
gospel I preached to you, which you received and on which you have taken your
stand. By this gospel you are saved, if
you hold firmly to the word I preached to you.
Fee
explains that "the reading which best explains how all others came about
is to be preferred as the original."[2]
There are three possible explanations:
1. Paul
put the words precisely where they are presently found in all our translations,
attached to verse 33. This follows the
Alexandrian and Byzantine tradition.
Then someone moved the block passage down to the end of the chapter,
after verse 40, which is where the Western tradition has the text.
2. The
reverse of #1: Paul put the words at the
end of the chapter, after verse 40, as reflected in the Western manuscript
tradition. Then someone moved the block
passage up several verses, attaching them to the end of verse 33, which is
where the Alexandrian and Byzantine traditions have the text.[3]
3. The
block passage was not original, but was a "very early marginal gloss that
was subsequently placed into the text at two different places." According to this theory, the motivation for
the marginal gloss was to suppress the favorable status Christian women enjoyed
during the apostolic era—an altogether historically plausible motivation.
The external evidence for #1 and #2
are equal. To be sure, the pre-Vulgate
Western text is not attested as widely as the Byzantine and Alexandrian. However, the manuscripts attesting the
Western placement represent the entire Western tradition of the church up to
the end of the fourth century, and geographically extend to the Eastern
Church. Fee adds, "All the
surviving evidence indicates that this was the only way 1 Corinthians appeared
in the Latin Church for at least three hundred years." Thus, the placement of the block passage at
the end of chapter fourteen goes back to a source as equally ancient as the
placement of the passage at the end of verse 33. No doubt, had it not been for the influence
of Jerome's Latin Vulgate, or if Jerome had done his translation in Italy
or somewhere else in the West, the Western placement would have persisted up to
Erasmus' printed Greek New Testament, and perhaps have altered its placement in
the KJV! As Fee explains, "…both
readings must theoretically be given equal weight as external evidence for
Paul's original text" (1994, 275).
Since the issue of which placement
is original cannot be solved by external evidence, we must turn to
transcriptional likelihoods. Again, the
first rule for transcriptional probabilities is Griesbach's first principle: "that form of the text is more likely
the original which best explains the emergence of all the others."
In this case, Fee details how one
might argue that the flow of argument is both equally good and equally bad for
either placement! (He also elaborates on
the flow of argument, as it is affected by either placement.) The fact that either placement was equally
good and equally bad contextually would be unlikely if one placement was
original and the other not. Moreover,
the net effect of this is that there are good reasons why a marginal gloss
could be interpolated into either position!
In a different, vein, it is claimed
that the block text is a transpositional variant, as if a scribe transposed the
seven lines of text from one place to another.
However, transposition is usually a matter of a letter or two, or
perhaps a word or two, but not a matter of seven lines. No other example in the NT can be cited for
such a large "transposition," except for the Adulterous Woman
pericope which might be said to have been "transposed" from John 8 to
various other places in the NT manuscripts.[4] The "transposition" of the
Adulterous Woman pericope to various places in the NT manuscripts is one of the
very reasons why biblical scholars almost unanimously reject its originality to
John's gospel. With the very same
"transpositional" phenomenon at work here in 1 Cor 14:33b-35, perhaps
similar doubts should also be projected onto our passage.
Further, to "transpose"
the block text would produce an entirely different line of argument, with an
altogether different interpretation. In
effect, as Fee argues, the scribe would have been playing the role of redactor,
and this sort of redaction is unprecedented in the manuscript tradition of the Pauline
epistles.
All these reasons make it difficult
to accept either the first or second option, leaving only the third
option. Here, Fee argues that a
migrating marginal interpolation makes perfect sense in light of the historic
bias against women in the post-Apostolic period. Here is
a graphic depiction of Fee's suggested reading which best explains how the
passage came to be located in two locations:
What
then shall we say, brothers? When you
come together, everyone has a hymn, or a word of instruction, a revelation, a
tongue or an interpretation. All of
these must be done for the strengthening of the church. If anyone speaks in a tongue, two--or at the
most three--should speak, one at a time, and someone must interpret. If there is no interpreter, the speaker
should keep quiet in the church and speak to himself and God. Two or three prophets should speak, and the
others should weigh carefully what is said.
And if a revelation comes to someone who is sitting down, the first
speaker should stop. For you can all
prophesy in turn so that everyone may be instructed and encouraged. The spirits of prophets are subject to the
control of prophets. For God is not a
God of disorder but of peace.* Did the word of God originate with you? Or are you the only people it has
reached? If anybody thinks he is a
prophet or spiritually gifted, let him acknowledge that what I am writing to
you is the Lord's command. If he ignores
this, he himself will be ignored.
Therefore, my brothers, be eager to prophesy, and do not forbid speaking
in tongues. But everything should be
done in a fitting and orderly way.* Now, brothers, I want to remind you of the
gospel I preached to you, which you received and on which you have taken your
stand. By this gospel you are saved, if
you hold firmly to the word I preached to you.


*As in all the congregations of
the saints, women should remain silent
in the churches. They are not allowed to speak, but must be in submission, as
the Law says. If they want to inquire
about anything, they should ask their own husbands at home; for it is
disgraceful for a woman to speak in the church.
From here, Fee turns to the
internal evidence. I won't elaborate at
this point, except to say that the silencing of the women in such a wide,
sweeping, and universal way completely undermines his earlier discussion about
method and manner of how women should pray and prophesy in 1 Cor 11, not to
mention the previous discussion about how each one should participate in
various ways in worship in chapter 14.
We might try to explain the obvious and unmitigated contradictions
between those two passages and the silencing of the women in 14:33b-35, but
surely everyone will recognize that the easiest resolution to the contradiction
is that Paul did not write 14:33b-5.
This is substantially where Fee's
argument stood in 1994. Basically, Fee
had conjectured that the earliest manuscripts did not have the silencing of
women in either place. This was a bold
claim to make, since not a single manuscript was known to support his
view. This was a purely rationalized
conjecture, based on a hypothesis, without manuscript evidence.
Much has changed in the last
decade. Fee's hypothesized conjecture
now has been found to have manuscript support.
This attests to Fee's brilliance and handling of the text. He came to his conclusions without physical
evidence, but on various re-examinations and discoveries, we find that history
has vindicated Fee's claim that early manuscripts—at least some—did not include
the passage. (See P.B. Payne, "MS. 88 as Evidence
for a Text without 1 Cor. 14.34-5," NTS
44[1998] 152-58, and idem. Fuldensis, Sigla for Variants in Vaticanus,
and 1 Cor 14:34-35 in NTS 41
(1995) 250—251.)
This
manuscript evidence is found in perhaps the most important Latin codex
(Fuldensis, c. 547) and from Codex Vaticanus (B) which is deemed our most
reliable complete NT manuscript by the vast majority of text critics. In both of these manuscripts, there are
markings to indicate text critical issues, and these markings show that the
scribe was aware of other manuscripts which omitted the verses. Likewise, the non-Western Greek miniscule ms
88 has been shown to have been copied from a manuscript which did not have the
passage in question. Thus, we have
evidence of the text's omission both in an Alexandrian and a pre-Vulgate
Western
manuscript, and as well as in the distinctive text of ms 88.
In
the end, I find it remarkable that Fee did his work out of pure conjecture, and
that, sure enough, upon closer examination, we have found evidence to substantiate
his work.
Our
discussion then, concludes that this passage which God's Holy Spirit has led us
not to interpret according to its prima
facie meaning, is actually a passage that Paul was never inspired to
write. On the contrary, an overly zealous
scribe after Paul's death must have added it as commentary into the margin of
his Bible, and that a patriarchal and sometimes misogynistic church too eagerly
incorporated it into its text. As such,
we cannot appeal to this text either to silence women altogether (as it says),
nor to keep them out of the pastorate.
[1]
Fee was not the first to make this claim.
He cites a German scholar, G. Fitzer, 1963, as having done so, while
citing a number of others with him, including C.K. Barrett, Hans Conzelmann, and
even E. Earle Ellis (with some qualification).
[2] This is Fee's rendition of Griesbach's first
principle of textual criticism (God's
Empowering Presence, 272 n.2).
[4]
Instead of the usual placement as John 7:53-8:11, it is also found after John
7:36, 7:44, John 21:24, and Luke 21:38.
Labels:
1 Corinthians,
Gordon Fee,
Women in Ministry
Tuesday, 6 May 2008
The Papyri and the KJV-Only/TR and Byzantine Text Type
In their overturning of the Textus Receptus, Westcott and Hort had no access to early papyri discovered these last 100 years or so. If they had, then they would have said, "And what's more, the Byzantine Text Type is not represented in the papyri."
The discovery of the papyri also had a counterbalancing effect, though. Westcott and Hort thought that Codex Vaticanus represented the pure form of the Greek New Testament. To be sure, Codex Vaticanus almost certainly represents the purest manuscript available to us, but it is only "relatively pure."
Some people on the Byzantine Priority side of the debate have gotten hold of some of this latter argument, and have claimed that certain readings which conform to the Byzantine Text Type give evidence that the Byzantine Text Type was early. This is a misrepresentation of the evidence. Yes, some individual Byzantine readings are early, but a Byzantine text type or text cluster is not represented in the papyri.
Eldon J. Epp divvies up the papyri according to four groups: A (Byzantine, with Codex Alexandrinus its early representative); B (Alexandrian, with Vaticanus its leading representative); C (P45, W, and other mixed manuscripts somewhat mixed between the Alexandrian and Western text types, formerly conceived of as the Caesarean text type); D (Western Text, with Codex Bezae its leading representative.
The following chart, which shows which papyri belong to which group) reveals how wrong the Byzantine prioritists misuse the data:
A (Byzantine): none prior to the sixth century
B (Alexandrian): 37 prior to sixth century
C (Western-Alexandrian mixed): 5 candidates prior to sixth century
D (Western): 11 prior to sixth century
["The Significance of the Papyri for Determining the Nature of the New Testament Text in the Second Century" in Studies in the Theory and Method of New Testament Textual Criticism by Epp and Gordon D. Fee; the article was written in 1988, and more early papyri have since been found, none of which can be classified as Byzantine.]
The point is that the Byzantine Text Type is not represented in the now over 125 papyri presently extant.
One thing is absolutely certain: the papyri do nothing to help the Byzantine Text Type advocates and the KJV-only/TR advocates. They only disallow the rejection of individual Byzantine readings solely because they're Byzantine.
The discovery of the papyri also had a counterbalancing effect, though. Westcott and Hort thought that Codex Vaticanus represented the pure form of the Greek New Testament. To be sure, Codex Vaticanus almost certainly represents the purest manuscript available to us, but it is only "relatively pure."
Some people on the Byzantine Priority side of the debate have gotten hold of some of this latter argument, and have claimed that certain readings which conform to the Byzantine Text Type give evidence that the Byzantine Text Type was early. This is a misrepresentation of the evidence. Yes, some individual Byzantine readings are early, but a Byzantine text type or text cluster is not represented in the papyri.
Eldon J. Epp divvies up the papyri according to four groups: A (Byzantine, with Codex Alexandrinus its early representative); B (Alexandrian, with Vaticanus its leading representative); C (P45, W, and other mixed manuscripts somewhat mixed between the Alexandrian and Western text types, formerly conceived of as the Caesarean text type); D (Western Text, with Codex Bezae its leading representative.
The following chart, which shows which papyri belong to which group) reveals how wrong the Byzantine prioritists misuse the data:
A (Byzantine): none prior to the sixth century
B (Alexandrian): 37 prior to sixth century
C (Western-Alexandrian mixed): 5 candidates prior to sixth century
D (Western): 11 prior to sixth century
["The Significance of the Papyri for Determining the Nature of the New Testament Text in the Second Century" in Studies in the Theory and Method of New Testament Textual Criticism by Epp and Gordon D. Fee; the article was written in 1988, and more early papyri have since been found, none of which can be classified as Byzantine.]
The point is that the Byzantine Text Type is not represented in the now over 125 papyri presently extant.
One thing is absolutely certain: the papyri do nothing to help the Byzantine Text Type advocates and the KJV-only/TR advocates. They only disallow the rejection of individual Byzantine readings solely because they're Byzantine.
Labels:
Byzantine Priority,
Eldon J. Epp,
KJV-Onlyism,
papyri,
Westcott and Hort
Sunday, 27 April 2008
What Is the Majority Text Type
What is the Majority Text Type?
The question is misleading and needs qualified.
Is it the text reflected in the majority of Coptic manuscripts of the Bible?
Is it the text reflected in the majority of Greek manuscripts dated to the first four hundred years? Or to the first eight hundred years? Or altogether?
Is it the text reflected in the Latin manuscripts New Testament which was favoured by the western Europeans used at the time of Erasmus?
Majority Text advocates and some people aligned with them think that we should use the text type represented in the majority of Greek manuscripts. What they don't want you to know, however, is that their favorite text type does not become the majority until the eighth or ninth century.
Out of the 125 papyri manuscripts (generally dated prior to 4th century), that text which gradually evolved into the Majority Text Type of the late middle ages cannot be found—not even a single representative. The late middle ages Majority Text Type does not seem to have existed until the late fourth century. The earliest manuscript evidence for the late middle ages Majority Text Type are A and C which date to the fifth century, and even these are only 80% toward the evolved state of the late middle ages Majority Text Type.
The question is misleading and needs qualified.
Is it the text reflected in the majority of Coptic manuscripts of the Bible?
Is it the text reflected in the majority of Greek manuscripts dated to the first four hundred years? Or to the first eight hundred years? Or altogether?
Is it the text reflected in the Latin manuscripts New Testament which was favoured by the western Europeans used at the time of Erasmus?
Majority Text advocates and some people aligned with them think that we should use the text type represented in the majority of Greek manuscripts. What they don't want you to know, however, is that their favorite text type does not become the majority until the eighth or ninth century.
Out of the 125 papyri manuscripts (generally dated prior to 4th century), that text which gradually evolved into the Majority Text Type of the late middle ages cannot be found—not even a single representative. The late middle ages Majority Text Type does not seem to have existed until the late fourth century. The earliest manuscript evidence for the late middle ages Majority Text Type are A and C which date to the fifth century, and even these are only 80% toward the evolved state of the late middle ages Majority Text Type.
Saturday, 26 April 2008
Deacon Phoebe--Paul's Man for a Tough Job
Important Background Information on Romans
I think it is clear that Phoebe was a high ranking representative of the church of Cenchrae who was sent by Paul as his representative to deliver the highly sensitive document known as the Epistle to the Romans to the many disparate churches in Rome. He cites her rank and title by way of introduction to the churches. If he were guilty of exaggerating her position, it could end up being a big mistake.
Think about how significant this woman Phoebe was. Paul entrusted her with the task of delivering his epistle into the midst of a very explosive situation.
After Claudius kicked out the Jews, the Christian churches lost their entire church leadership, leaving Gentiles to arise to the occasion of taking over leadership of their churches. Thus, overnight, the churches in Rome flipped from being predominantly led by Jews, over to not having any leadership, and then over again to be being led by those less familiar with the Old Testament.
All this was enough turmoil in and of itself. But when Claudius' ban was lifted a few years later, many if not most of those Jewish Christian leaders returned to Rome, expecting to be reintegrated back into church leadership.
Imagine, as pastor of your church, the previous pastor showed up expecting to resume his ministry!
Meanwhile, while the Jews were away, the Gentiles gave up living like Jews, and they ate all meats. Which was fine, until the Jewish Christians showed up again. Thus, you have chapters 13-15 of Romans.
So, Paul wanted to say a positive word to help the Jewish and Gentile Christians to get along with each other, to be altogether united. But his big goal was to solicit sponsorship for his Spanish mission and to see if any of the Christians in Rome had ties to the Roman administration in Spain (or at least, this latter point has been deduced by Robert Jewett in his massive Hermenia commentary on Romans).
At any rate, the whole situation was extremely sensitive. And so Paul sent his best man to handle the job, which, in this case was a woman. She was no ordinary lowly servant-girl of the Lord. Jewett brings us up to date on where scholarship is today in regard to Phoebe the deacon:
As it turns out, the big reason why earlier commentators thought that the term διάκονος meant a lowly servant here and not a church leadership position in 16:1 was simply because Phoebe was a woman! An honest look at comparable usage pushes the conclusion that Phoebe was indeed Deacon of Cenchrae, and that Paul entrusted her with this significant responsibility of organizing a support network for his Spanish mission.Why would Paul entrust such a big job to a woman? Perhaps because so many of the church groups in Rom 16 were headed up by women.
I think it is clear that Phoebe was a high ranking representative of the church of Cenchrae who was sent by Paul as his representative to deliver the highly sensitive document known as the Epistle to the Romans to the many disparate churches in Rome. He cites her rank and title by way of introduction to the churches. If he were guilty of exaggerating her position, it could end up being a big mistake.
Think about how significant this woman Phoebe was. Paul entrusted her with the task of delivering his epistle into the midst of a very explosive situation.
After Claudius kicked out the Jews, the Christian churches lost their entire church leadership, leaving Gentiles to arise to the occasion of taking over leadership of their churches. Thus, overnight, the churches in Rome flipped from being predominantly led by Jews, over to not having any leadership, and then over again to be being led by those less familiar with the Old Testament.
All this was enough turmoil in and of itself. But when Claudius' ban was lifted a few years later, many if not most of those Jewish Christian leaders returned to Rome, expecting to be reintegrated back into church leadership.
Imagine, as pastor of your church, the previous pastor showed up expecting to resume his ministry!
Meanwhile, while the Jews were away, the Gentiles gave up living like Jews, and they ate all meats. Which was fine, until the Jewish Christians showed up again. Thus, you have chapters 13-15 of Romans.
So, Paul wanted to say a positive word to help the Jewish and Gentile Christians to get along with each other, to be altogether united. But his big goal was to solicit sponsorship for his Spanish mission and to see if any of the Christians in Rome had ties to the Roman administration in Spain (or at least, this latter point has been deduced by Robert Jewett in his massive Hermenia commentary on Romans).
At any rate, the whole situation was extremely sensitive. And so Paul sent his best man to handle the job, which, in this case was a woman. She was no ordinary lowly servant-girl of the Lord. Jewett brings us up to date on where scholarship is today in regard to Phoebe the deacon:
Although earlier commentaries interpret the term διάκονος as a subordinate role,
it now appears more likely that she functioned as the leader of the
congregation. That διάκονος was an official title of leadership has been shown
by Borckhaus and Holmberg, and is strongly indicated by earler references in Rom
11:13; 12:7; and 13:4. In the light of its use in 1 Cor 3:5; 2 Cor 3:6; 6:4;
11:15 and 23 to refer to missionaries, including Paul himself, it is no longer
plausible to limit her role to philanthropic [i.e., womanly] activities.
Fiorenza contendst that... '[she] is a missionary entrust with preaching and
tending churches...It can be concluded, therefore that Phoebe is recommended as
an official teacher and missionary in the church of Kenchreia.' However, in the
light of the possessive qualification, 'deacon of the church in Kenchriea,' it
seems more likely that she functioned as a local leader rather than as a
traveling missionary."
As it turns out, the big reason why earlier commentators thought that the term διάκονος meant a lowly servant here and not a church leadership position in 16:1 was simply because Phoebe was a woman! An honest look at comparable usage pushes the conclusion that Phoebe was indeed Deacon of Cenchrae, and that Paul entrusted her with this significant responsibility of organizing a support network for his Spanish mission.Why would Paul entrust such a big job to a woman? Perhaps because so many of the church groups in Rom 16 were headed up by women.
Monday, 21 April 2008
Scholarship, Byzantine Text Type, Majority Text, and the Textus Receptus
Text Scholars who advocate the Byzantine Text Type, the Majority Text, and the Textus Receptus are so few that they could all sit in my living room, more or less comfortably.
Foremost on this list is Maurice Robinson who, with William Pierpont, published The New Testament in the Original Greek. This Greek New Testament represents what Robinson believes is the purest form of the Byzantine Text Type, and therefore, what he thinks is closest to the original Greek. There is much to be admired about this work, if one assumes that the Byzantine Text Type reflects the original texts of the New Testament writers. Robinson, however, despite his considerable efforts, has not been persuasive. Robinson teaches at Southeastern Baptist Seminary in Wake Forest, North Carolina and is a member of the Evangelical Textual Criticism blog, and is a most gracious member of the (informal) textual criticism guild.
Hodges and Farstad produced their text essentially by a majority vote, without asking which reading might be older. The title, The New Testament according to the Majority Text conveys that whichever reading is attested by a majority of manuscripts is most likely to be original.
The standard critical edition of the Greek New Testament is the Nestle-Aland/UBS text, or the lately produced SBLGNT (Society of Biblical Literature Greek New Testament). A third option is due out in 2018 from Tyndale House, the evangelical think tank/foundation in Cambridge England. These three will be relatively close to one another. If you don't like one of these, your only other options are the Hodges/Farstand or Robinson/Pierpont editions, unless you resort to out of print editions (which are out of print for good reasons).
If you decide to use one of these alternative editions, you should be aware that few Christian colleges and seminaries use them. You should also be aware that none of them have been used as the basis for a standard Bible translation in any language; certainly this is true for publishers of English versions. And you should also be aware that no Bible commentary series in any language is based on them.
We all should be circumspect about whom we trust to tell us which reading is God's word and which isn't. Indeed, the paramount importance of the text of the Bible is so great as to justify the learning of Greek and the science of textual criticism. Otherwise, we are absolutely dependent upon other people who have.
In the case of Hodges and Farstad, and in the case of Robinson and Pierpont, they are all godly men (Pierpont died a few years ago). On the other side, however, is a full, overwhelming array of evangelical scholars (and others, too) who are the giants in the field of New Testament. These scholars have judged these two critical editions as having failed in their effort to establish a viable edition that contains a more ancient textual tradition.
This reality in itself does not refute Byzantine priority or the Majority Text Type. However, for those who don't have the time or means to weigh the arguments carefully, this reality should make them more circumspect.
Foremost on this list is Maurice Robinson who, with William Pierpont, published The New Testament in the Original Greek. This Greek New Testament represents what Robinson believes is the purest form of the Byzantine Text Type, and therefore, what he thinks is closest to the original Greek. There is much to be admired about this work, if one assumes that the Byzantine Text Type reflects the original texts of the New Testament writers. Robinson, however, despite his considerable efforts, has not been persuasive. Robinson teaches at Southeastern Baptist Seminary in Wake Forest, North Carolina and is a member of the Evangelical Textual Criticism blog, and is a most gracious member of the (informal) textual criticism guild.
Hodges and Farstad produced their text essentially by a majority vote, without asking which reading might be older. The title, The New Testament according to the Majority Text conveys that whichever reading is attested by a majority of manuscripts is most likely to be original.
The standard critical edition of the Greek New Testament is the Nestle-Aland/UBS text, or the lately produced SBLGNT (Society of Biblical Literature Greek New Testament). A third option is due out in 2018 from Tyndale House, the evangelical think tank/foundation in Cambridge England. These three will be relatively close to one another. If you don't like one of these, your only other options are the Hodges/Farstand or Robinson/Pierpont editions, unless you resort to out of print editions (which are out of print for good reasons).
If you decide to use one of these alternative editions, you should be aware that few Christian colleges and seminaries use them. You should also be aware that none of them have been used as the basis for a standard Bible translation in any language; certainly this is true for publishers of English versions. And you should also be aware that no Bible commentary series in any language is based on them.
We all should be circumspect about whom we trust to tell us which reading is God's word and which isn't. Indeed, the paramount importance of the text of the Bible is so great as to justify the learning of Greek and the science of textual criticism. Otherwise, we are absolutely dependent upon other people who have.
In the case of Hodges and Farstad, and in the case of Robinson and Pierpont, they are all godly men (Pierpont died a few years ago). On the other side, however, is a full, overwhelming array of evangelical scholars (and others, too) who are the giants in the field of New Testament. These scholars have judged these two critical editions as having failed in their effort to establish a viable edition that contains a more ancient textual tradition.
This reality in itself does not refute Byzantine priority or the Majority Text Type. However, for those who don't have the time or means to weigh the arguments carefully, this reality should make them more circumspect.
Friday, 18 April 2008
Why a Wedding Ceremony?
What is the wedding ceremony?
It is when a couple swear on solemn oath before God and many witnesses that they bind themselves in holy matrimony til death part them.
Ceremonies develop for a reason. You just don't throw it out for the sake of throwing it out.
In the old days, the solemnizing of oaths before God and many witnesses was designed to protect the family, especially in regard to the woman and any product of the civil union (i.e., God's blessing of children) who might otherwise fall into crippling deprivation should the man run off. The man swears that whatever is his is hers, and vice versa, and to be responsible for the welfare of their children.
This solemnizing of oaths was done publicly. It was a matter of public record, so that if someone broke their vows, the greatest shame and reproach was brought down upon the guilty party by the entire community.
We should retain these good things as much as possible. Thus, if you are one of the groomsmen in a wedding, and the man subsequently abandons his family, you should be personally insulted and grieved and should hold the groom accountable, and give every measure of aid and comfort to the bereaved wife and children.
Marriage counseling should include a full explanation of ceremony. Pastors should tell the couple that they are swearing on oath before God and many witnesses, and that they are putting their highest honor on the line in making such vows. If they break such a solemn vow, then their word in regard to anything else is meaningless.
Tough stuff. Right stuff.
It is when a couple swear on solemn oath before God and many witnesses that they bind themselves in holy matrimony til death part them.
Ceremonies develop for a reason. You just don't throw it out for the sake of throwing it out.
In the old days, the solemnizing of oaths before God and many witnesses was designed to protect the family, especially in regard to the woman and any product of the civil union (i.e., God's blessing of children) who might otherwise fall into crippling deprivation should the man run off. The man swears that whatever is his is hers, and vice versa, and to be responsible for the welfare of their children.
This solemnizing of oaths was done publicly. It was a matter of public record, so that if someone broke their vows, the greatest shame and reproach was brought down upon the guilty party by the entire community.
We should retain these good things as much as possible. Thus, if you are one of the groomsmen in a wedding, and the man subsequently abandons his family, you should be personally insulted and grieved and should hold the groom accountable, and give every measure of aid and comfort to the bereaved wife and children.
Marriage counseling should include a full explanation of ceremony. Pastors should tell the couple that they are swearing on oath before God and many witnesses, and that they are putting their highest honor on the line in making such vows. If they break such a solemn vow, then their word in regard to anything else is meaningless.
Tough stuff. Right stuff.
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